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Ken Gibson (loyalist)
Kenneth "Ken" Gibson was a Northern Irish politician who was the Chairman of the Volunteer Political Party (VPP), which he had helped to form in 1974. He also served as a spokesman and Chief of Staff of the loyalist paramilitary organisation, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).
==Ulster Volunteer Force==
Born in predominantly unionist East Belfast, Northern Ireland, Gibson was brought up in the Willowfield area.〔(''Long Kesh Inside Out: Remembering Ken Gibson ) Retrieved 2 July 2013〕 He was a member of the Free Presbyterian religion before splitting with the church. From an early age he identified strongly with loyalism and Unionism.〔 Author Sarah Nelson described him as a "skilled manual worker".〔Nelson, Sarah (1984). ''Ulster's Uncertain Defenders''. Belfast: Appletree Press. p.182〕 In the early stages of The Troubles, he joined the loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and soon had a seat on its Brigade Staff (Belfast leadership on the Shankill Road). According to journalist Joe Tiernan, Gibson, leader Jim Hanna from the Shankill Road UVF, and senior West Belfast member Billy Mitchell, comprised part of the UVF team that planted the Liberty Hall and Sackville Place car bombs in Dublin in December 1972 and January 1973, which left a total of three men dead and 133 people injured.〔 Tiernan also maintained that Gibson and his bombing unit were directed and controlled by officers from the British Intelligence community operating out of Army Headquarters in Lisburn.〔("Dublin and Monaghan Bombings: Cover-up and incompetence". Tiernan Joe.''Politico''. Page 1. 3 May 2007 )〕 From January 1973 to December of that year Gibson, described as a "top intelligence officer" in the UVF, was interned in Long Kesh Prison.〔Frenett, Ross. “‘Protestant Socialists’? Ulster Loyalism and Working-Class Politics: 1969-1974,” Scrinium, University College Cork (2010), p.36〕〔Jim Cusack & Henry McDonald, ''UVF'', Poolbeg, 1997, p. 143〕 This experience inside Long Kesh, including contact with Gusty Spence, left him a vehement opponent of internment and a critic of Ian Paisley and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), Gibson having previously been chairman of the DUP East Belfast Branch.〔〔Frenett, Ross. “‘Protestant Socialists’? Ulster Loyalism and Working-Class Politics: 1969-1974,” Scrinium, University College Cork (2010), p.16, p.36〕 He then became a leading figure in the Loyalist Association of Workers, a joint UVF-Ulster Defence Association (UDA) front organisation which was eventually merged into the Ulster Workers' Council.〔Henry McDonald & Jim Cusack, ''UDA Inside the Heart of Loyalist Terror'', Penguin Ireland, 2004, p. 74〕
By 1974 Gibson was the UVF's Chief of Staff or Brigadier-General as well as the official spokesman. With the Supreme Commander Gusty Spence in prison since 1966, Gibson became the organisation's "leading personality".〔Dewar, Michael (1985). ''The British Army in Northern Ireland''. Arms and Armour Press. p.243〕 Tim Pat Coogan has stated that in 1974 Gibson was the "leader of the UVF".〔Tim Pat Coogan. ''The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal, 1966-1996, and the Search for Peace'', Hutchinson, 1995, p. 177〕 He was one of the organisation's strike leaders during the Ulster Workers' Council Strike in May 1974,〔Taylor, Peter (1999). ''Loyalists''. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. p.138 ISBN 0-7475-4519-7〕 having been brought onto the UWC's central committee the previous March. Indeed Gibson had been one of only three paramilitaries to be invited to the secret meeting with Stanley Orme that was held immediately prior to the strike in an attempt to avoid the industrial action. The others in attendance were UDA commanders Andy Tyrie and Tommy Lyttle.〔McDonald & Cusack, ''UDA'', p. 79〕 When asked a direct question by Orme, Gibson, who was the trio's representative, replied: "We are only here as observers".〔Wood, Ian S. (2006). ''Crimes of loyalty: a history of the UDA''. Edinburgh University Press. p.37〕 The general strike had been called by unionists and loyalists to protest against the Sunningdale Agreement. This was an attempt at power-sharing, setting up a Northern Ireland Executive and a cross-border Council of Ireland which would have given the Irish Government a voice in running Northern Ireland. On 17 May 1974, the third day of the UWC strike, the UVF exploded three no-warning car bombs in the city centre of Dublin and a fourth car bomb in Monaghan, resulting in the deaths of 33 people. Almost 300 were injured; many scarred and maimed for life. Nobody was ever charged in connection with the bombings which were carried out by units from the UVF's Belfast and Mid-Ulster brigades.〔Taylor, Peter (1999). ''Loyalists''. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. p.125.〕
Classified government documents discovered by the Pat Finucane Centre reveal that Gibson was one of a four-man UVF delegation that secretly met with MI6 officials in Laneside, a house in Holywood, County Down which was used by the British Secret Service for clandestine meetings. The meeting between the UVF and MI6 commenced 10 days after the car bombings and lasted over two days. The other three UVF members present at the talks were Tom Best, Stanley Grey and John Falls. Gibson was concerned that the interests and opinions of the loyalist working-class were being ignored by the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) politicians who were instead using the UWC strike for their own ends. He also demanded more UVF participation in politics. Gibson also discussed his support of the return of IRA prisoners Dolours and Marion Price to Northern Ireland along with loyalist prisoners held in England.〔(PDF of the documents )〕
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